Sunday, January 26, 2020

Youth Justice Policy in the UK

Youth Justice Policy in the UK Youth Justice Policy In order to evaluate why developments in youth justice policy and practice since 1997 are a cause for celebration and concern, the ideological motivations and the wider social and political context will be identified. The Crime and Disorder Act 1998; the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act, 1999 and the Anti Social Behaviour Act 2003 will be discussed in terms of the motivating ideology and rational underpinning. The practical implications of the acts and their social consequences will be evaluated in order to demonstrate what the acts achieve and where they fail to serve the rights of the individual in the youth justice system. Developments in youth justice policy and practice in the previous decade have been rooted in an ideological context that incorporates both neo-liberal approaches of responsibility and risk management (Muncie, 2006) and neo-conservative ideologies that entail an authoritarian realisation of policy (Muncie Hughes, 2002). However, cultural elements cannot be undermined when considering factors that motivate the formation of youth justice policy. Increasingly, a culture of fear and intimidation has arisen in the UK around societys youth. Muncie and Hughes (2002) point to cases such as the murder of 2 year old James Bulger by two 10 year olds as contributing factors to this fear culture. The manifestation of this cultural consciousness of fear is demonstrated in the coining of the term hoody to represent an intimidating youth in a hooded jumper (Sanders, 2005). Thus youth justice policy must be seen to appease these societal concerns. A result of this is that youth are at risk of crimina lisation and marginalisation (Scraton, Haydon, 2002). The risk is of a presumption that members of youth culture are likely to, or already have committed a criminal act. To understand whether developments in youth justice policy should be celebrated or be regarded with concern, it is important to understand the aims of the wider context of New Labour Reform. Policy has been motivated by a desire to form a transition from penal to restorative justice (Gelsthorpe Morris, 2002). This is motivated by a culture of increasing understanding and engaging the offender with the implications of their actions and is reflective of the New Labour political stance to be tough on crime and the causes of it. The resulting revolution in youth justice policy has been criticised for its failure to maintain a consistent ideology throughout (Goldson Muncie, 2006). The resultant risk is a confused, or muddled ideological approach to youth justice, and a contradictory experience between liberalism and conservatism for the offender passing through the reform system. However, this mixture of ideological approach is increasingly difficult to unify in a diverse multi-cultural society (Newburn, 2002; Fergusson, 2007). It is against this cultural and political backdrop that three significant pieces of youth justice legislation have emerged. These are the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 and the Anti Social Behaviour Act 2003. The Crime and Disorder Act 1998 employs principles of actuarial risk management by imposing local authorities with the duty to implement risk reduction measures within a constituency (Moss, 2001; Farrington, 2002). These Community Safety Strategies are required to specifically address the prevention of youth crime. The practical outcomes of these strategies include the implementation of parenting and child safety orders, local curfews and action plan, detention and training orders (Scanlan, 1998). The Act brought into use the Anti-Social Behaviour Order (ASBO) and refuted the previous assumption that individuals under the age of ten should not be criminalised for committing an offence. The ASBO is administered to individuals who are deemed to be behaving in a manner that may cause harm or distress to others. The use of risk management strategies to form Community Safety Strategies has been both supported and challenged. Rooted in quantitative analysis, they explicitly identify predictor variables for youth criminal activity providing a target area for interventions and preventative measures (Farrington, 1997). Such identified risk factors have frequently included impoverished socio-economic backgrounds, harsh and erratic discipline cultures and peer group influences (Loeber, Farrington Waschbusch, 1999). Clearly, successful prevention strategies aimed at improving the conditions surrounding these risk factors are of benefit to the juvenile offender and to society as both enjoy improved welfare conditions. However, there are problems inherent in the decentralised approach to Community Safety Strategies. The quantitative approach dictates that concepts are generalised, and the actuarial assessment strategies focus upon efficiency and streamlining through youth justice process (Kempf-Leona rd Peterson, 2000). What is lost is a qualitative, individual approach to youth justice reform, and the individualistic consideration of the most beneficial (if not most efficient) process is absent. Case (2007) argues that this approach neglects to account for the experience of stakeholders such as youth workers and juvenile offenders. A combination of the quantitative and qualitative approaches would improve the ecological validity of risk analysis interpretations. The Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2003 amends details of prevention strategies such as parenting contracts and ASBO administration. Inherent in the motivations contributing to the policy is the desire to appease public fear of juvenile offenders by re-establishing a notion of respect within British community culture (Squires, 2008). Rooted in social inclusion discourse, the act predominantly aims in part to improve the educational and social bonds between the youth, parents and the school establishment. This is evident in the parenting contracts which require an insurance of a childs attendance at school. According to the social development model (Catalano Hawkins, 1996), factors of poverty and poor education jointly interact to promote the likelihood of delinquent behaviour. By ensuring parental and childhood engagement with education, this link can be broken. Furthermore, parents may be required to attend parenting courses if their childs behaviour is not deemed to improve. The act st ates that local education authorities are able to engage with parents of children excluded from school in order to establish the contractual process. The Act also puts in place powers for police to disperse groups of more than two individuals in public spaces if they appear to be causing nuisance. There are problems inherent in these new powers allocated to the police. Research has demonstrated that groups of youths are more readily perceived as threatening than congregated groups of other age groups (Mille, Jacobson, McDonald, Hough, 2005). Furthermore, local agencies present conflict in how to deal with individuals deemed to be engaging in anti-social practice. There appears to be a difficulty in balancing neo-liberal and neo-conservative approaches and the favoured approach may vary regionally. Mille et al (2005) also demonstrated a discrepancy between national perceptions and local implementations of ASBO administration. A national consensus that there should be an emphasis on enforcement contrasts with the local implementation of social inclusion policies. While parenting courses have been deemed as successful in the short-term (Kazdin, 1997), concerns have been raised about the long-term efficacy and the cost effectiveness of national implementation. It has also been de monstrated that the notion of responsibility has been centralised in governmental youth justice reform and that the rights of the parent and the child have not been sufficiently conceptualised to deal with this (Hollingsworth, 2007). The failure to do this has resulted in a social stigmatisation and criminalisation of families with low socio-economic status (Goldson, 2002) which negates the desired effects of social inclusion. The overall result of the Act is the social penalisation and discrimination of young individuals and working class parents. The Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 was also borne out of a desire to effectively manage youth crime issues in a manner that was economically efficient. The focus on crime prevention and intervention is borne out of this motivation for efficiency. It has been deemed that prevention of crime is more cost effective than punitive measures once the act has been committed (Winter, 2007). Furthermore, concepts of diagnosis, rehabilitation and reformation are considered too individualistic and are more efficiently managed by employing applications of resource management (Muncie, 1999). In order to improve efficiency, the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 orders the referral of first time youth offenders to panels as opposed to serving a custodial sentence. The resource of the panel which is allocated to the youth offender is deemed to be an early solution to re-offending, ensuring that the individual does not become a habitual criminal. This will ensure that the indi vidual requires less resources overall from the penal system. The practical outcome of the Youth Justice and Criminal Act 1999 is that the juvenile offender is referred to a panel upon the first offence if they plead guilty. The individual confers with the panel to produce an action plan that the youth will adhere too. Action plans are aimed at improving the social circumstances of the child and negating risk factors. On the outset this appears positive. The offending individual is consulted and if able to work co-operatively, is theoretically able to engage in a rehabilitative process that will deter future offending behaviour. While this approach has deemed to initially appear as an effective measure, further research is required to fully determine the effectiveness of the approach (Anand, 1999). Muncie (1999) argues that the re-conceptualisation of rehabilitative issues into resource management rhetoric results in a depoliticised issue where youth justice problems are viewed as requiring efficient management as opposed to resolution. Therefo re, while the alternative to custodial sentences may prove beneficial, it is important that the emphasis on rehabilitation is still prominent. It has been determined that youth justice policy is rooted in a conflicting ideological basis centred upon neo-liberal and neo-conservative ideals. This occurs against a backdrop of a social context of a mass cultural fear of the young individual. The Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 are borne out of political motivations to govern public services with economic efficiency. What results is a process that manages youth justice as a resource issue. Any focus upon individual needs and rehabilitative process is threatened. Actuarial concepts do favour preventative measures which can work to improve the circumstances of the individual. The Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2003 aims to improve social inclusion by re-conceptualising notions of social responsibility. However, the administration of parenting contacts; and the power to move on groups of individuals, results in a criminalisation of young individuals and families of lower socio-economic st atus. References Anand, S.S. (1999). Youth Crime: What Works, What Doesnt, and What it Means for Canadian Criminal Justice Policy. Queens Law Journal, 25,177-189. Anti Social Behaviour Act 2003.(c. 38): HMSO. Case, S. (2007). Questioning the Evidence of Risk that Under-pins Evidence Led Youth Justice Interventions. Youth Justice, 7(2),91-105. Catalano, R.F., Hawkins, J.D. (1996). Social Development Model: A Theory of Antisocial Behaviour.Rockville, MD: National Institute of Justice. Crime and Disorder Act 1998. (c. 37): HMSO. Farrington, D. (1997). Evaluating a Community Crime Prevention Programme. Evaluation, 3(2),157-173. Farrington, D. (2002). Understanding and preventing youth crime. In J. Muncie, E. McLaughlin, (Eds.). Youth Justice: Critical Readings.London: Sage Publications Ltd. Fergusson, R. (2007). Making sense of the Melting Pot: Multiple Discourses in Youth Justice Policy. Youth Justice, 7(3),179-194. Gelsthorpe, L., Morris, A. (2002). Restorative youth justice: The last vestiges of welfare? In J. Muncie, E. McLaughlin, (Eds.). Youth Justice: Critical Readings.London: Sage Publications Ltd. Goldson, B. (2002). Youth Crime, the Parenting Deficit, and State Intervention: A Contextual Critique. Youth Justice, 2(2),82-99. Goldson, B., Muncie, J. (2006). Rethinking youth justice: Comparative analysis, international human rights and research evidence. Youth Justice, 6(2),91-95. Hollingsworth, K. (2007). Responsibility and Rights: Children and their Parents in the Youth Justice System. International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family, 21(2),210-219. Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999.(c. 23): HMSO. Kazdin, A. (1997). Parent Management Training: Evidence, Outcomes, Issues. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 36(10),1349-1356. Kempf-Leonard, K., Peterson, E. (2000). Expanding the realms of the New Penology. Punishment Society, 2(1),66-97. Loeber,R., Farrington, D., Waschbusch, D. (1999). Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders. In R. Loeber D. Farrington (Eds.) Serious and Violent Juvenile Offenders: Risk Factors and Succesful Interventions.London: Sage Publications. Mille, A., Jacobson, J., McDonald, E., Hough, M. (2005). Anti-Social Behaviour Strategies: Finding a Balance.Bristol: Policy Press. Moss, K. (2001). Crime Prevention v Planning: Section 17 of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998. Is it a Material Consideration? Crime Prevention and Community Safety: An International Journal, 3,43-48. Muncie, J. (1999). Institutionalized Intolerance: Youth Justice and the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act. Critical Social Policy, 19(2),147-175. Muncie, J. (2006). Governing young people: Coherence and contradiction in contemporary youth justice. Critical Social Policy, 26(4),770-793. Muncie, J., Hughes, G. (2002). Modes of governance: Political rationalities, criminalization and resistance. In J. Muncie, E. McLaughlin, (Eds.). Youth Justice: Critical Readings.London: Sage Publications Ltd. Newburn, T. (2002). The contemporary politics of youth crime prevention. ? In J. Muncie, E. McLaughlin, (Eds.). Youth Justice: Critical Readings.London: Sage Publications Ltd. Sanders, B. (2005). Youth Crime and Youth Culture in the Inner City.London: Routledge. Scanlan, D. (1998). The Crime and Disorder Act 1998: A Guide for Practitioners.London: Callow Publishing. Scraton, P., Haydon, D. (2002). Challenging the criminalisation of children and young people: securing a rights based agenda. In J. Muncie, E. McLaughlin, (Eds.). Youth Justice: Critical Readings.London: Sage Publications Ltd. Squires, P. (2008). ASBO Nation: The Criminalisation of Nuisance.Bristol: Policy Press. Winter, H. (2007). The Economics of Crime: An Introduction to Rational Crime Analysis.London: Routledge.

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Aspects of human behavior Essay

There are some aspects of human behavior and mental processes that would not be ethical to study even if the participants freely consented to be studied. Ethical standards with regard to experimentation are subject to governmental regulations where federal funding is apparent (Kornblum, pg. 41). The text lists 5 key ethical issues revolving around human psychological research, including: Freedom from coercion, informed consent, limited deception, adequate debriefing, and confidentiality (Lahay, pg. 48). According to Lahay, requirements for institutions conducting research include approval from a board of outside scientists (pg. 48). I believe there are certain aspects of behavior and mental processes that should not be studied even with the participant’s approval. Study of subjects that were involved with committing crimes would be at the top of the list. For example, a study involving naturalistic observation of a kleptomaniac in action seems to me as unethical practice. Whil e the observer is not taking part in the crime, he is not actively preventing it either. Furthermore, there may be a possibility that the said criminal’s need to steal is heightened due to the researcher’s requirement for consent. Another example of studying behavior or mental processes that may present itself unethical might involve studying children. Even though parental consent may be given the child would not necessarily have to be informed of the study. An example might be a study where a badly behaved child is seated next to a compliant child to see if the behaviors change. Regardless of the effect on the badly behaved child, the compliant child could quite possibly experience higher levels of stress or anxiety. I think that good example of not ethical experiment would be â€Å"little Albert.† John Watson, the founder of behaviorism, conducted an influential early study of generalization. Watson and Rosaline Rayner examined the generalization of condition fear in an 11 month old boy Albert. Like many babies Albert was initially unafraid of a white rat. Then the Watson and Rayner paired the presentation of the rat with a loud, starting sound. Albert did show fear in response the loud noise. Five days later, boy was exposed to other stimulus that resembled the rat in being white and furry. Albert’s fear response to other white, furry objects (rabbits, a dog). My opinion is that children should not be used in research. Another type of experiments, that I think are unethical, are Near-death experience – is the perception reported by a person who nearly died or who was clinically dead and revived. They are somewhat common, especially since the development of cardiac resuscitatation techniques. For example, in one, a woman accurately described a surgical instrument she had not seen previously, as well as conversation that occurred while she was clinically dead. I think that death or dieing is something that we as a human should not be involved in.

Thursday, January 9, 2020

What You Dont Know About Critical Thinking Essay Topics Examples Could Be Costing to More Than You Think

What You Don't Know About Critical Thinking Essay Topics Examples Could Be Costing to More Than You Think In fact, this kind of essay will offer you plenty of advantages for your studying and everyday life. You have a great deal of ideas in mind fighting one another and making you confused. You might think that interesting essay titles do all of the work, allowing you to add obvious examples and share ordinary ideas. There are a lot of them online nowadays, and you will readily find whatever you demand. Before start, you may read few unique guides about how to compose a crucial essay. How to end an essay might be a tricky question, particularly if your academic grade is dependent on the paper you're working on. Many teachers frequently have a specific audience for interesting essay paper. Also, you ought to be sure about your sources. It isn't hard to select the topics for critical essay type. At times you might require some expert help with argumentative essay topics. In many instances, you're teaching your audience something new in regards to the text. At any time you catch yourself feeling captivated by a person's essay or article, take a good look at it. Another reason is to observe how well students argue on various views and demonstrate understanding of the studied subject. Another illustration is in the shape of a youthful woman's experience. Critical thinking essays demand a deep thought procedure and its effectiveness can be decided by your passion towards this issue. One of the absolute most important facets of critical thinking is to choose what it is you're aiming to achieve and then make a determination based on a wide selection of possibilities. It is aimed at achieving the best possible outcomes in any situation. It is frequently used in nurs ing. A History of Critical Thinking Essay Topics Examples Refuted If you select a topic that the reader doesn't have any interest in whatsoever, it is not likely they will get anything positive out of it. You also want to select a topic based on your intended audience. Deciding on your topic isn't that easy. You should also select a topic that interests you. It is crucial to pick the topic you're interested and familiar with. When it cannot be quite a great topic is as either defended or that the absolute most likely be. The Hidden Truth on Critical Thinking Essay Topics Examples The integral model is a reference structure in which you may objectively observe every area of a particular subject. If you're thinking of how to get hold of the organization expert, just send a fast text message. A strong topic will assist the paper flow nicely and allow it to be a lot easier to write. The keen researcher should know precisely how to look for the relevant information regarding the Internet and ought to also learn how to filter the ideal information from the wrong one by utilizing critical thinking. In order to rate a person's argument, you first must understand it. Essays written at the previous minute, suffer from the deficiency of logic and ina dequate grammar. The argument's objective is to convince us to believe a specific conclusion. Following your students have a good comprehension of empathy and the way it's used, you are able to move into the truly amazing discussion questions that you have designed around empathy. The Argument About Critical Thinking Essay Topics Examples You might write a wonderful essay regarding content, but in case you have grammar mistakes or your answers aren't relating to the questions, say farewell to your good grade. A student ought to keep in contact with the hottest trends and know which persuasive essay topics are related to sound convincing in regards to defending personal opinions. You could also make your topics which are along the exact lines. The ideal topic for a crucial analysis essay is the one which will give students opportunity to demonstrate their expertise plus the capacity to analyze and cope up with relevant judgments. Details of Critical Thinking Essay Topics Exam ples There is not going to be any use in the event the facts you will discover are just too common or too narrow. It's thus quite important to avoid leading the question, in a place you would like it to go. The next step is going to be the research info. Among the places where I feel I have been required to use my critical thinking skills is in the region of gauging information on the Internet.

Wednesday, January 1, 2020

Julius Caesar Brutus Vs. Cassius Essays - 1211 Words

Contrasting Characters In Shakespeare’s The Tragedy of Julius Caesar, Brutus and Cassius are contrasting characters. They differ in the way they perceive Antony as a threat to the assassination plot, their dominance in personality, and their moral fiber. In Julius Caesar, Brutus is the more naà ¯ve, dominant and noble character, while Cassius is the more perceptive, submissive, and manipulative person. Brutus and Cassius are very different in the way they perceive Antony. Brutus is very trusting and naà ¯ve when he judges Antony. When the subject of killing Antony comes up among the conspirators, Brutus underestimates how dangerous Antony could be and says, â€Å"For Antony is but a limb of Caesar†(2.1.178). This statement means Brutus does not†¦show more content†¦Cassius thinks that Cicero is a good and honorable man that should be included, but as soon as he nominates Cicero to join the group, Brutus steps in and says, â€Å"O, name him not! Let us not break with him, / For he will never follow anything/ That other men begin† (2.1.162-165). Instead of contesting Brutus, Cassius just lets it pass and concedes to not permitting Cicero to join the group. Although this particular argument isn’t pivotal to the plot, it augments how Brutus dominates what decisions are made. Brutus again shows his dominance over Cassius when the two are discussing militar y strategies. Cassius wants to stay where they are and let Octavius and Antony waste their energy trying to find Brutus and him. â€Å" ‘Tis better that the enemy seek us; / So shall he waste his means, and weary his soldiers†¦Ã¢â‚¬ (4.3.228-229). This is a good idea and it should be used, but Brutus shows his precedence over Cassius by instantaneously replying, â€Å"Good reasons must by force give place by better†¦Ã¢â‚¬ (4.3.233). Brutus then states his reason: if they get to Philipi first, they will have the better position. Cassius, who has a good argument, does not even try to contest Brutus. He backs down and says, â€Å"Then with your will, go on† (4.3.256). This decision leads to their armies losing and to the end of both their lives. Cassius has the better plan but he submits to Brutus. Finally, when Brutus and Cassius are arguing with each other about everythingShow MoreRelatedEssay on Cassius vs. Brutus in Julius Caesar825 Words   |  4 Page s Both Cassius and Brutus play major roles in the play Julius Caesar. Cassius and Brutus both plan Caesar’s death. Although they are working towards a common goal, Cassius and Brutus have very different motivations for doing this. On the one hand, Cassius sees it as a way to gain more power for himself while destroying the king and all his power. On the other hand, Brutus believes that in killing Caesar he is preserving peace for the Romans’ future years. 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